The deceased US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who passed away at age 84, was regarded as arguably the most significant occupants of that position in US history. Whereas many second-in-commands had to settle for marginal or figurehead roles, Cheney held substantial influence during the term of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was often referred to as the "real president".
Bush objected to such a characterisation and said the connection was more nuanced. He observed that Cheney was respectful, consistently calling him in public as Mr President, while he called him as Dick. Bush questioned even descriptions of their relationship as a collaboration because it implied that they were equals. Despite such protestations, Cheney found the relaxed president malleable on a wide array of policy decisions.
The Period Following the Attacks
At the head of a group of conservative hawks that included military head Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in response to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been taking part in a session at a elementary school in Florida. While Bush traveled to a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took command, commanding the downing of any non-communicating airplanes nearing the government building.
Cheney claimed the assaults altered his perspective, causing him to be intent on revenge. Along with other neo-conservatives, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a invasion of Afghanistan in an attempt to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the military action of Iraq, although there was little proof of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Controversial Decisions
He voiced no apologies about the military campaign, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, and not about the enhanced interrogation of individuals captured after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was based on misleading reports circulated by Cheney, was the proper course of action. "It was the proper decision to do back then. I was convinced at the time and I hold that view presently."
But even then, there were dissenting voices at a high level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the White House's own special envoys to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the position. "I saw, at the very least," he wrote later "obvious failure, inaction, and unaccountability: potentially, falsehoods, unfitness, and corruption."
Broader Context
Cheney was not solely to blame for the Iraq campaign. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for comparable steps. He had composed a memorandum detailing scenarios in which American interests might be compromised (featuring "access to vital raw materials, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "the US should be prepared to act independently when collective action prove impossible," specifically mentioning military moves against Iraq.
Bush too had assumed the White House generally inclined on carrying out what his predecessor had notably declined to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Subsequent to he had been fired by the president, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his intention of diminishing America's involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and proposed military action against Iraq.
Bush carried a individual resentment against Saddam, believing he had been involved in a scheme to assassinate his parent, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally resented that one of the biggest hotels in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a image of his father's face that everyone had to tread upon.
Questioning Techniques
However it was Cheney who was part of the most vehement advocating striking Iraq, frequently citing intelligence reports that were whether weak or entirely inaccurate. He endorsed what the Bush White House politely called as "intensive questioning", the application of simulated drowning and physical pressure.
Answering a Senate report in 2014 that concluded that no useful information had come from the interrogation methods, Cheney disregarded the conclusions as "loaded with crap". He told Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to take steps and establish procedures to apprehend the bastards who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it never happened again. That is precisely what they did and they deserve a lot of credit."
Public Image
Cheney reveled in monikers imposed on him by detractors such as the Star Wars villain and the dark figure, and by the idea that he was a shadow power directing Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 publication about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Is it me who is the evil genius in the corner that operates invisibly emerge from his hole? It's a effective way to function, truthfully."
Commercial Ties
Controversy over his commercial relationships accompanied him during his tenure as VP. Although he had little experience in commerce but strong connections in security, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial energy corporations, in 1995 as chair and chief executive.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's VP candidate for the presidency. Debatably, during the military campaign, Halliburton was given US agreements totaling substantial sums.
It significantly boosted his finances. His annual income during his time at the firm grew from his quarter-million dollars when he was Pentagon chief to millions. When he resigned in 2000 he had a compensation package totaling in excess of $20m|twenty
